Although a long article, I believe it provided a solid introduction to Peruvian-Chinese communities in Lima.
It’s important to note what Lausent-Herrera points out, the difference between Cantonese and Fujianese. There really was no ‘Chinese’ migration per se. When we talk about ‘Chinese’ migration to the Americas, the populations that we are mostly talking about are Cantonese-speaking communities from Guangdong Province in southern China (where Hong Kong and Macau are located). So when the author mentions the arrival of the Fujianese, it is a big deal since between 95-98% of the Chinese in the Americas is Cantonese from southern China, which also helps to explain the strength of their networks.
As mentioned in the earlier reading by Hu-deHart and Lopez, Peru and Cuba were the largest recipients of indentured Chinese migration, 1849-1874. If we look at the article on its own, we can see how Lima’s Chinatown has evolved in 160 plus years. However, we are missing some context since the article does not go deeper into how Chinese indentured workers first arrived in Lima.
By the 1860s, as the author notes, the first 8 year contracts were expiring. Although a significant number of workers re-contracted with plantations along the country’s coastline, another significant number began to migrate to urban centres. It is necessary to state that the violence, kidnapping, cheating workers on their wages, Chinese workers were treated in a similar fashion as African slaves. So, by the time contracts (although many tried to cheat workers into longer contracts), many decided to migrate to Lima’s Concepcion Market instead of having the possibility of returning home.
The beginnings of Lima’s Barrio Chino were sought with problems since the Chinese communities were viewed with suspicion and contempt by a significant number of the city’s population. This negative perspective was one of the efforts taken by the California Chinese. These migrants from California for the most part were successful businessmen that began to leave the US in the Antichinismo that led to the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882.
These migrants from California not only brought capital for investment, but just as important, they brought their social and commercial links with cities like San Francisco, Hong Kong and other centres where the Cantonese Diaspora settled in the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand.
The author takes pains in describing very thoroughly Chinese migration, settlement, and urbanization in a very straightforward manner. At the same time, because she is very thorough, her examination of Peruvian-Chinese communities assumes that the reader is very intimate with the subject matter, which at times makes the text difficult to read. Even with this drawback, the author is one of the few diving deep into migrations that fall outside the purview of the Atlantic and also one of the even fewer that concentrate on contemporary Chinese migrations to Peru, and not solely focused on the history.
One of the interesting aspects of this article is how urban space is always changing and shifting. We all know this, we’ve experienced it in the neighbourhoods that we grew-up in, moved away from, and even how they changed while residing in a specific locality. For example, the drive to gentrification that has taken place in many cities during the last 20 years. We can see how poor, abandoned, or sometimes just forgotten neighbourhoods have been re-built bringing with them all the positive and negative aspects of gentrification or revitalization depending on which side of the argument you sit in.
This article presents the shifts of a neighbourhood throughout a 160 year period. From an outlier suburb (now part of downtown Lima), La Concepcion market became home to many of this emerging nation-state’s poor that migrated to Lima from the interior, former Chinese indentured workers included. The key to the success (and also a source of many of its problems) was how this neighbourhood, like many around the globe, opened itself to global mobilities that wold connect it eventually to a Diaspora residing all over the world. The links created by the communities in this neighbourhood was also the source of many of its problems. With the migration of the California Chinese and the subsequent links to Hong Kong, San Francisco, and other cities round the world, the argument that the Chinese were some kind of fifth column, infiltrating the country, taking away jobs, not assimilating (or integrating) became part of the general folklore in the country’s antichinismo. Although the neighbourhood survived, a stigma around it was attached, which became detrimental to its success. And even though it remained, it wasn’t until the a990s when Peruvian-Chinese communities took an active role in revitalizing the Barrio Chino that it began to take on a new life even though the majority of the Cantonese communities no longer reside in this locality.
What do you think?
The author indeed presents the turn-of-events in the Peruvian Chinatown in a detailed and insightful manner, but it seems as if she is looking at it all from a purely immigration-dependant point of view. One place in particular in the text made me think so on page 81: she does not attribute the return of Chinatown’s success to the resourceful and motivated Erasmo Wong, but rather to the increase in Chinese immigration. It simply seems odd, that she would dismiss this very meaningful factor from the equation. To me, it makes more sense to relate the increase in Chinese immigration, at least partly, to mr. Wong. After renovating the passages of Capon st. with its restaurants and galleries, it is no surprise that shopkeepers as well as consumers would want to occupy the area. Maybe the few remaining Chinese descendents would form immigration networks with their kin in China, promoting this newly constructed Chinatown. In any case, I don’t feel it should have been dismissed so quickly.
I find it fascinating that before the mid 90’s the Peruvians were not concerned at all about a significant rise in recently immigrated Chinese, I would like to see an example of what she is referring to by “the media which regarded them with amusement”. Especially after their hostile past I would assume Peruvians would not take these matters lightly.
I don’t recall reading an explanation to the reason why there were at first only (or mostly) Cantonese- speaking Chinese. It would be interesting to understand these migratory flows: why was it mostly one province that was sending indentured laborers mid 19th century, which were able to set the cultural tone of Lima’s Chinatown for over a century? And then, what made the Fujianese towards the end of the 20th century and onwards to invest and sacrifice in an awakening Chinatown? Was it their alleged connection to Mafia human-trafficking networks that enabled them to migrate easier then Chinese of other provinces, or did they simply recognize the trading potential of the area and its surroundings?
Hi Tal,
The vast majority (ca. 98%) of Chinese migration to the Americas originates in Guangdong Province. Guangdong and Fujian have been sending sojourners for centuries, even when it was illegal to migrate from China (under penalty of death). Many were merchants, or labourers. So, the Cantonese in Peru are part of the larger migrations to the entire continent, not just Peru.
After I went on this literary journey to the colorful China town in Lima I feel a little bit exhausted but still have all the slightly blurred impressions in my mind’s eye which will certainly make me pay a visit to it when I am in Peru one day. I always like it when people are really passionate about a specific topic – and this is definitely the case of Isabelle Lausent-Herrera.
This article especially makes me wonder about the never ending (intrinsic to human nature?) attitude of suspiciousness towards and fear of disadvantages because of new people. Sure this is a generalizing assumption, but I have always thought that one’s own experiences also influence the way we are treating other people and similar experiences create kind of community bonds. Maybe this is due to the representation of the author, but I got the impression that especially in the second part of the text, a nostalgic feeling of “back then everything was better”/”the good old times”/”how it used to be” dominated. She describes various (negative) consequences, as e.g. because Putonghua became the new business language, older residents without command of it feel excluded (p.110). I think it is interesting to see how people with migration experiences themselves try to distance from the new habitants despite similar life stories.
Although this article provides very detailed information about the Chinese town in Lima, much of this information was not interesting at all for me. I did appreciate the first part, about the historical overview, but the second part in which the author narrates with “pelos y señales” (VERY thoroughly) the kind of businesses there are in Lima, how the premises and galleries are, and what kind of products are available and by whom they are being imported, was passionately tedious to me.
Nevertheless, she did mention an interesting topic (albeit shortly and superficially), the presence of the Chinese mafia and their role as smugglers trafficking with people. This is a very relevant topic while examining migration in Latin America and around the globe. In this same context, there is something I did not quite understand. She writes that the new Cantonese immigrants were being tricked to migrate. I was not sure by whom. By their relatives or by the mafia? (p. 82).
If I learned something from this article, it is that generally the Chinese migrants in Peru seem to be extraordinary businessman, and it appears that they know how to take advantage of the capitalist system.
This week’s article by Lausent-Herrera provided us with a particularly detailed description of the history of the Chinese quarter in Lima, and shed light upon its changing inhabitants, business structures and community dynamics. It was interesting to learn about how Lima’s Chinatown has withstood several crises, adapted to changing circumstances in the face of globalization and other challenges, and how the character of the Chinese quarter and the identity attached to it has evolved over time. The Chinese quarter seems to be a constant in the history of Lima.
The two aspects from the text that intrigued me the most and still linger on my mind are the relations and dynamics between the Cantonese and Fujianese, and the possible future extensions of the Chinese quarter.
I found it really interesting to read about the ongoing and increasing “unfriendly competition” between Cantonese and Fujianese over getting control of the most lucrative business activities, which partially results from the Fujianese benefitting from the Chinese mafia networks that brought them into the country. I would be interested in finding out whether this troubled relationship between Cantonese and Fujianese immigrants is also transferred to China, and whether it weighs on the dynamics between those two groups in their country of origin as well.
With regard to the future extensions of the Chinese quarter, it would be interesting to see how the Chinese quarter and its significance will change with the setup of new emerging quarters, and to see if Lima’s Chinatown will remain a constant in Lima that increases its influence through extensions of the quarter, or whether it will be replaced by new emerging “Chinatowns”.
It’s a very long, detailed article, and a very useful work to understand the Barrio Chino’s history in Lima, but I think the first part with regard to the migration aspects, far more than the microeconomic ones, was the most interesting part.
We would need to agree that the Chinese migration in Peru has gone through a few different phases and that it would be practical to separate its history in stages. Since the arrival of the first Chinese in Perú to the current Tusans living in what is known as the Chinese quarter, it seems to me that lots of things have changed. The fact that Chinese descendants are still addressed as Tusans says a lot about their integration problems, especially with regard to this presumed homogenization of Latin American societies. The Chinese quarter is the living memory of a group of people’s efforts to survive in a completely foreign, often hostile, society, although the only thing they really had in common was their country of origin. Particularly when taking into account the distinction between Cantonese and Fujianese immigrants and the different commercial –whether legal or not- links between them and other countries.
Then again, when the only remains of a Chinese culture in Lima are the economic links, exacerbated by the current Chinese financial flows globally, and its historical symbolism, does it make any sense to keep talking about a “Chinese quarter”? Or a more general question: does it make any sense to keep using this methodological nationalism when talking about migration processes if our porpuse is to deconstruct this approach?
This text was about the Chinese quarter in Lima and the changes this quarter underwent throughout the time. Especially the wave of new Chinese immigrants (who came from other regions than the original Chinese immigrants) has brought significant changes to the quarter, mostly marked by competition in commercial activities within the community. As a result, the boundaries of the Chinese quarter began to blur, and there is no longer one single Chinese community but several communities not necessarily connected to the Chinese quarter.
First of all, I liked that the author’s work was very rich in content and detail. Although I am not familiar with Chinese migration to Peru, I felt that the author managed to convey both a holistic and a detailed impression of the Chinese quarter in Lima. In addition, I liked the pictures because they added to the image in my head.
Content-wise I found it interesting that, despite anti-Asiatic sentiment in the population, the intellectuals of Lima had a special perception of the quarter. They found “a charm there to which only they appeared susceptible.” (p.76)
I would also agree to what Katharina said about the suspiciousness towards immigrants. I have the same impression.
For the future I would be interested in learning more about the activities of the Chinese mafia, e.g. the Dragón Rojo and the role it played in Lima.
My first impression of the text was that it’s telling a story without saying anything.
Of course, the history of Chinese immigrants in Peru is depicted as multi layered and
interesting but I do think that the text lacks some analysis. Especially when it comes to
motives. Yes sure, it’s explained how it all started and that the economy grew and made
Peru lucrative but these are all facts being counted down.
Why did the Chinese region of origin change?
All the while the conclusions that are drawn are simply obvious. Obviously these people are
also affected by globalization and are better connected to the world than ever. Of course
they are more and more adapting to their new homeland and yes, there’s gentrification too
that shifts the borders of districts.
All in all the text was interesting and allowed a good glimpse at the Chinese population of
Peru but I would have rather expected it in a tourist guide or travel magazine.
This week`s text was a very long and detailed description of not only the migration of Chinese immigrants at different moments of tim, their establishment and development of a chinese community in Lima, but also about the development and transformation of the Barrio Chino, almost from a perspective of city development, as it seemed to me. So- a very entertaining text or as Katharina expressed it very well- a literary journey through the Barrio Chino of Lima.
The issue that seemed most interesting to me was that competition and struggles that emerged between the different chinese immigrant groups – from different regions and to different points of time- .
I think this is also a pattern that is common in immigrated communities within a – first- foreign and unknown culture-country. I could observe in the context of, for example, People from Germany that lived in Yucatan and Quintana Roo in Mexico, People from different latinamerican countries in Berlin, Germany and People from different arabic countries, like Syria and Lebanon in Berlin, Germany that some wether isolate from their fellow-countrymen*women or – of course- consolidate with them and build up a community in that foreign society. Altough you share mabey the same experience of migrating or coming from the same country or cultural background, you search for your own position in that new country and you negotiate relationships to and position towards people or groups from your country mabey in a different way within this different cultural context.
This article gave me much insight into the lives of Chinese migrants in Peru and the evolution of the Chinese migrant community in Peru. One of the more interesting parts of the reading is about how the Chinese community contributed to the expansion of imported goods into the region. Because of the Chinese migrants and the business networks that they have established, a wide variety of imported goods were introduced to Peru. Chinese merchants brought in unique foods, toys and even jewelry. To me, this is a great example of how migration, made possible by globalization and the advancement of transport technology, can help further globalize a region by expanding and capitalizing on the networks that the migrants bring with them. When allowed to organically develop, this development process becomes a self-sustaining development cycle.
Another very interesting part of this reading is the story of how the Chinese migrant community evolved from being largely Cantonese community to the Fujianese community. I think that the success of the Chinese community was not just due to their diligence but their innate competitive spirit that made them strive to be better than the other competing group of Chinese migrants. I wish the author would discuss more about the political identities of Chinese migrants, and elaborate more about whether the tensions between guomindang and communist party played out amongst migrants who identify with different parties.
This text was written by Isabelle Lausent-Herrera, searcher at the CNRS. It describes thoroughly the history, economic and geographic organization of the Chinatown in Lima, Peru.
To my surprise, the Chinese quarter, located in the La Concepcion market quarter, is the oldest one in a south American country. It was established in 1849 as farmers came from China to find work. Moreover, the coolie trade involving Chinese workers and which lasted till 1874 as well as the free immigration (till 1909) increased the size of the neighborhood’s population. It received the name of Barrio Chino during the Chinese Japanese war (1920’).
I found some parallels between the organization and the history of the Chinese and Japanese diasporas in Lima. In fact, both the Chinese and Japanese became prosperous when they began to open small private businesses. The Japanese opened barber shops, while the Chinese quarter first was characterized by its opium dens and gaming rooms. As different as these enterprises may seem, they share the similarity that they increased the outside world’s hostility. The first were criticized for their “stinginess”, the others were the cause of a generalized bad image of the Chinatown in the Peruvian society. The municipal reports and newspapers condemned the “apparent depravity” of the Chinese quarter. Moreover, both the Chinese and Japanese diasporas suffered from racism and from attacks against them. In 1909, during the elections, Chinese were attacked and the demands of stopping Chinese immigration raised. The image of Chinese only improved in the twenties.
Lausent-Herrera’s essay is interesting because it gives an objective and detailed description the Chinatown. She also bases her work on the stories of individuals, which give us an inside in the everyday life of a member of the Lima’s Chinese diaspora. She analyses the geographic organization of the quarter and its many small businesses (the Chinese restaurants chifas, others basing their income on the import of Chinese toys, food or cigarettes, and well-being salons). Finally, she also addresses the issue of the internal divisions between the Fujianese, Chinese-Latinos and Taiwanese, a topic which I would like to deepen in other readings.
This text, which is very detailed and enriched by pictures and maps, explores past and current changes in the Chinese quarter of Lima, that was established in 1849, following the immigration of Chinese workers. This text is very clear and very well documented.
Isabelle Lausent-Herrera makes us travel, bringing us to the Peruvian Chinatown. She writes the story of this quarter, explaining the discrimination and restrictions endured by the Chinese through the 19th and 20th century. The import of many Chinese goods transformed this part of the city where the Chinese community could find shops and Chinese Peruvian schools. Lausent-Herrera also tells us about the modern life and ongoing transformations in this quarter. She especially focuses on tensions between newcomers from Fujian who came in through a mafia network of trafficker and the long established “Chinos” whose ancestors were from Canton. In fact, the arrival of Fujian immigrants shifted the life of the Chinese community that was no longer homogenic. Lausent-Herrera considers a lot of factors: the very quick rise of Chinese Peruvian population, the loss of space, the competition between Tusan and Fujian businesses, the decline of solidarity…
It is particularly interesting to read this text after having read the text on Japanese-Peruvian, since we can find some similarities between since two communities (original factors of immigration, hostility, discrimination…), but also some differences (tensions between old and new immigrants, serious incidents linked to the mafia (the Dragón Rojo), new economic dynamism following the recent wave of immigration…). This text also focuses more on the consequences of the economic and political situation of Peru (for instance the dictatorship) on the Peruvian Chinese than the text of Takenaka (about Japanese Peruvian) we read.
I share the opinion of Sarah regarding the article. Even though the history of the Chinese community in Lima is very well documented and a bit too thoroughly narrated, I also believe that it lacked the analytical and scientifical substance, and that the points made in the conclusion were mostly obvious.
Nevertheless, the text did touch on certain issues that I find of much interest to take a closer look at. Amongst them is the development of the Chinese mafia and human trafficking networks in Latin America, which was already mentioned by some others in their comments, and what I found most interesting is the brief mention of the way the Chinese diaspora in Perú reacted to the revolution of 1968, and of how the Chinese community in Lima divided itself in the “pro-revolution” Chinese and the ones against the new communist government. I would find it very interesting to find out how diasporas communities tend to react to social movements or revolutions in their home countries, and the particular case of the Chinese in Lima and the revolution of 1968 would probably make for a good case study.
What I liked about this article were the historical insights it gave, not only about Chinese migration to Peru but also about the Chinese diaspora in general and the Peruvian political context.
I would like to know more about the anti-Asiatic views of the Anarchist movement. I also have a hard time imagining that César Vallejo and José Carlos Mariátegui supported the antichinismo.
I would also like to know more about the government of Juan Velasco Alvarado, an ambiguous figure. Why did he evict the inhabitants of the Chinese Quarter? Was it really because of health issues or because of anti-Asian resentment? On the other hand, Chinese businessmen fleeing the country in fear of “communism” ( which a military junta is not) has to be seen in the political context. Velasco Alvarado pushed many reforms against the oligarchy, for example nationalization of oil, land reforms, collectivization of agriculture and industry etc. These were directed against capitalists in general, not only Chinese, I suppose. Still, talking about equality and socialism does not mean a person is free of oppressive behaviour, as Stalins anti-Semitism or the homophobia and sexism of many “socialist” regimes show.
The text by Isabelle Lausent-Herrera and her „time-line-summary“ of Chinese Communities in the context of Lima gives a brought insight and great overview of the municipal changes during the last centuries. Although it was very detailed I found it not really analytical and scientific which it wasn´t meant to be.
The additional pictures and maps are helping to visualize what is beeing written about. Due the fact that we had several articles containing passages of interviews or quotes I was missing the emic perspective reading this text. Reading the conclusion, speaking about more recent development of the quarter and affects of Globalization, one small sentence cought my attention. „These changes have privileged the individual as economic actor to the detriment of communtiy life.“(P.110)
This ambivalence I am observing in talking to people born before there was mobile-phones and e-mail sending a possibility.